Комментарии: PAT *ʒǝ (cf. also Bz. a-ʒǝ́); PAK *psǝ; Ub. def. a-bzǝ́. Shagirov (2, 16) suggests that PAT *ʒǝ should be separated from the AK and Ub. forms and prefers to compare them with PAT *p(ǝ)sǝ '*water,*river' (reconstructed on hydronymic evidence). There exists indeed a PAT root *pǝsa 'to become wet, soak' (e.g. Abaz. psa-ra id., Abkh. (a-ʒǝ́) a-psá-la-ra, Bz. (a-ʒǝ́) a-psǝ́-la-ra 'throw into water') which could be compared with PAK *psǝ ( - but not with voiced bz- in Ub.!). Still it is very hard to separate the AA root *ʒǝ from Ubykh (with which it correlates even in what concerns accent), and the Ubykh one from AK. We think that in PAK there could have occurred a contamination of two original roots: *bzǝ 'water' and *pǝsǝ 'river; liquid' - this would be the best explanation of the whole situation.
Abdokov (1983, 185) compares PAT *ʒǝ with PAK *p:c:a- in *p:c:a-n-tħá "glue" (Ad. pcāntħa, Kab. bʒāntħa). This would be fine in view of the EC data, but Shagirov (1, 81) is probably right in treating *p:c:a-n-tħá as "fish glue" (with *p:c:a "fish").
Комментарии: PAK *zʷǝ-; Ub. sǝ-bž́ǝ́-n. Initial b- in Ub. is an old prefix; bž́ǝ- < *bźʷǝ- < *bzʷǝ- (with a regular dissimilative delabialisation after b-).
Комментарии: The pure stem (with an old suffix *-nǝ) is present in PAK *bž́ǝnǝ́. Ub. and PAT (and PAK with the meaning 'garlic') reflect old compounds *bǯ́ǝnǝ-pǝʎ́ǝ 'red onion' ( = "onion") and *bǯ́ǝ(nǝ)-ʎʷǝ 'white onion' ( = "garlic") with the following reflexes:
a) *bǯ́ǝnǝ-pǝʎ́ǝ > PAT *ǯ́ǝn(ǝ)-pǝš́ǝ > *ǯ́ǝmǝš́ǝ (Abkh. a-ǯ́ǝmš́ǝ́, Abaz. ǯ́ǝmš́ǝ); Ub. *žʷan(ǝ)-pǝʎ́ǝ > žʷamʎǝ;
b) *bǯ́ǝ(nǝ)-ʎʷǝ > PAT *ǯ́ǝ-šǝ > (with assimilation) *ǯǝšǝ (Abkh. a-ǯǝ́š, Abaz. ǯǝš); Ub. *žʷa-sʷa > (with assimilation) žʷášʷa; PAK *bž́ǝnǝ́-xʷǝ (Ad. bž́ǝnǝf, Kab. bźǝnǝxʷ).
See Rogava 1956, 16-17, 77-78.
Although it was obviously a folk etymology, already in PWC the root of these compounds was associated with PWC *bǯ́V 'to fry' (q.v.). Since in Ub. the PWC verb *bǯ́V was superseded by a reflex of *źʷV 'to roast' (q.v.) > Ub. žʷa-,*bǯ́V- was changed to žʷa- also in the name of onion/garlic (which explains the irregular reflex žʷ instead of expected *ǯ́-).
Not quite clear is the status of the syllable *-nǝ in PWC. Shagirov (1,91) tries to explain it as an instrumental morpheme, thus treating PAK *bž́ǝnǝ́ as 'smth. to be fried'. However, this *-nǝ is certainly absent in the Ub. and PAT word for 'garlic' (Ub. žʷášʷa, PAT *ǯǝšǝ), and may have been originally just an optional connecting morpheme (possibly an original obl. base marker).
Комментарии: PAT *ǯ́ǝ; PAK *bž́a- (cf. also *Lǝ-bž́a- 'to fry (a meat-dish)' > Ad. Lǝ-bž́a-n, Kab. Lǝ-bźa-n). See Shagirov 1, 91, Kuipers 1975, 39, 46).
Комментарии: PAT *ʒ́a-xǝ- (cf. also Abkh. Bz. á-ʒ́a-x-ra); PAK *da- (trans., cf. also *dǝ- intr. > Ad., Kab. dǝ-n). The same root served as a basis for PWC *b́ʷV / *b́ʷV-b́ʷV 'awl' > PAT *ʒ́aʒ́ǝ (Abkh. á-ʒaʒ, Bz. á-ʒ́aʒ́, Abaz. ʒaʒǝ), PAK *dǝdǝ́ (Ad. dǝdǝ, Kab. dǝd); Ub. dʷa 'needle'.
Комментарии: Cf. also Abkh. Bzyb. a-cá id. PAK *sǝ / *stǝ. The AK intransitive verb is rarely used; more frequent is the derivate Ad. ʁa-stǝ-n, Kab. ʁa-sǝ-n 'to burn'. Origins of Ad. -t- are not very clear (perhaps a contamination with pš́ta- 'to boil' - cf. Kab. pśtǝ-r 'hot' /derived from pśtǝ-n 'boil'/ along with sǝr 'burning, scorching' = Ad. stǝ-r 'hot; burning, scorching').
Комментарии: PAT *ća (cf. also Bz. a-ća-rá). The verb can also be used with a causative meaning (Abkh. a-t-ca-rá, Bzyb. a-t-ća-rá 'to drive out, expel' etc.). It is somewhat suspicious that the causative form does not have the usual causative prefix -r(ǝ)- in Abkh.: this could mean that we deal here in fact with a different verbal root, which could be compared to PEC *=Vc̣V 'to drive' (q.v.).
Комментарии: PAT *cǝ, mainly within the compound *qʷǝ-cǝ 'a (single) hair' (cf. also Bzyb. a-χʷǝ́-c); cf. also Abaz. šla-c 'a grey hair'. PAK *cǝ.
In PAK we would expect a change *c- > *s-. One may suppose that it didn't occur in old compounds like *śħa-cǝ 'hair of head' (medial -c- did not undergo spirantization) which hindered spirantization in the independent position. Abdokov (1983, 83-84) compares PWC *cǝ 'hair', explained as a contraction < *dǝsǝ, with PAK *laśa, Ub. dašʷa 'wool' (see under *laśʷV). If this is true we should rather speak of a more complicated contraction *laśʷǝ > *tħVśǝ [which would be a regular reflex] > *ćǝ > *cǝ. In this case, *-cǝ in PAT *qʷǝ-cǝ '(a single) hair' should be kept apart from the PAK form. The problem is still to be investigated.
Комментарии: PAK *c̣ǝ-xʷǝ́; the second component probably goes back to PWC *ʎʷA 'be born' q.v. The Ub. form is reduplicated. Like some other roots, this one reveals a variation in glottalisation, reasons for which are not yet clear.
Комментарии: PAT *cǝ (the pure root is preserved in Abkh. á-c, Bz. á-c 'fang'; the meaning 'tooth' is being rendered by the compound *pǝ-cǝ lit. "front tooth" > Abaz. pǝ-c or *qA-pǝ-cǝ lit. "head's front tooth" > Abkh. a-χa-pǝ́-c (Bz. with secondary voicing a-χa-bǝ́-c).
PAK *c:a. In Ub. the element -ḳ́ǝ is an original singularity marker.
Комментарии: PAK *c:a-xʷǝ́ (a compound with PAK *xʷǝ 'white', see Shagirov 1, 167). Despite Balkarov (1965, 49) the root *c:a- is not related to PAK *p:c:a- in the word for 'lead' (q.v.).
Комментарии: PAK *c:ac:á ( ~ *c:asá). Shagirov's (1, 164) morphological analysis of this word is probably faulty: if it really meant "lance for grilling", the PAK form would be *sasá (cf. PAK *sǝ- 'burn' and *sa 'knife, lance'). This analysis is also not supported by another meaning of the word, "table fork" (in Ad., Mozdok dialect of Kab.). We can, however, suppose a secondary influence of the root *sa on the Kabardian form (one would regularly expect *ʒāʒa there). External parallels also discredit Kuipers' suggestion about progressive assimilation in Ad. (cāca < *casa); it is rather the Kab. form that underwent an innovation.
Ub. caca may be a loan from Ad., but - if we do not consider the PAK form a composite - it may as well be genuinely related (the correspondence PAK *c: : Ub. c is regular).
Комментарии: PAT *xǝ-ćǝ (cf. also Bzyb. a-xǝ́ć 'bow', Ashkh. χǝc 'arrow'). This compound, actually meaning "arrow+bow", is an exact parallel of EC forms like Akhv. Ratl. ʎar-č̣ijõ 'bow and arrow' etc. (see under *ʎĂl(H)V).
Комментарии: PAT *ʒ́ǝ-nǝ (cf. also Bzyb. á-ʒ́ǝn), with a usual temporal / locative suffix *-nǝ.
For phonetic reasons the PAT root should be kept apart from PWC *bž́V 'winter' (PAK *bžǝ-ħá > Ad. bžǝħa, Kab. bźǝħa; Ub. bž́a) (PAT *ʒ́ can not go back to *ž́ which is unmistakenly reconstructed on basis of other forms).
Комментарии: PAT *cǝɣǝ (with an irregular variant *c̣ǝɣǝ; cf. also Bzyb. a-cǝ́ʁ,a-c̣ǝ́ʁ 'marten'); PAK *c:ǝʁʷá. The root should be kept distinct from Ub. dǝʁʷǝ 'mouse' which does not correspond phonetically and has a different origin.
